论互联网时代诽谤罪的公诉范围

我国刑法对诽谤罪采取自诉为主、公诉为补充的双轨制模式。由于刑法但书“严重危害社会秩序和国家利益”的公诉依据具有模糊性,同时司法解释本身缺乏解释力和可操作性,存在同义解释、近义解释等问题,加剧了公诉诽谤罪和其他罪名之间的冲突和竞合,特别是当被害人为地方领导干部时,诽谤罪的公诉权在实务中存在被滥用风险,部分限制公诉权的要件在实务中被淡化甚至忽略。从相对狭义的角度看,“严重危害社会秩序和国家利益”只有在行为人对侵犯个体法益具备主观故意,但对侵犯社会法益或国家法益不具备主观故意(或无法证明其具备故意)的情形下,才有其独特的法律适用价值并不与刑法其他罪名相冲突。为妥善处理和平衡诽谤犯罪中惩治犯罪和保障人权的关系,适应互联网时代的内外部变化,建议通过修改我国刑法,将诽谤罪区分为情节不严重、情节严重、情节特别严重的三种形态,为充分保障宪法权利,情节不严重的不作为犯罪处罚;为充分保障自诉权,情节严重的为绝对告诉乃论;为依法惩治犯罪,对符合特定形式要件和实质要件,情节特别严重的诽谤犯罪可以依法公诉,以维护网络信息秩序。     

“Zomia”范式的政治人类学意义及其未来

斯科特的《逃避统治的艺术》一经出版即获得了学界的诸多关注,成为东南亚研究必读书目之一,但同时也受到学者们不同角度的批评。《逃避统治的艺术》重新定义了"Zomia"即东南亚山地的区域研究内涵,并指出二战前该区域内存在着一种山地居民为免于国家统治而从生计方式、政治结构、历史和宗教等方面建构的"逃避"机制。尽管我们可以指出斯科特使用史实的错误(如坚持"南诏泰族说")或缺失,也可以批评他忽略了历史变迁的复杂性,但其研究的独到之处依然值得我们借鉴。从方法论来看,斯科特在长期消化文献材料的基础上大胆提出理论假设,这是学术创新的必要路径。斯科特继承了利奇关于克钦人"贡萨"—"贡劳"社会结构的学术遗产,激进地建构了东南亚山地居民以"逃避"为核心的生存模式,堪称西方无政府主义人类学的一次宏伟实验。"Zomia"研究范式也给了我们很多启示,比如应该勇于跨越边界,从关系主义视角来考察研究对象。通过中国西南和东南亚—南亚地区的比较研究,以交互性和流动性为中心考察其历史与当下的政治经济与社会人文形态,探求新的知识生产格局,有望成为中国人类学和民族学作出新贡献的"民族志学术区"。最后,在"post-Zomia"时代,处于各民族国家包围下的山地族群如何在现代化、全球化的时代背景下通过与国家部门和主流社会持续的遭遇、协商和妥协来寻求自身的发展空间,将会成为今后重要的研究方向。     

国家公园法是否应当确认游憩功能

研究者对于正在制定的我国《国家公园法》是否应当确认游憩功能,尚有争议,这将直接影响该部法律的相关制度安排。否认立法应确认游憩功能的观点,具有保护环境的合理性,但未关注国家公园的全民共享性,未以发展的眼光看待保护理念与国际潮流的顺应,欠缺科学性。通过立法确认国家公园的游憩功能具备自然基础、现实基础和社会价值。国家公园游憩功能的法律确认与制度安排,以游憩功能的法律属性界定为核心,游憩不是自然权利及法定权利,也不是主观权利,只能是客观秩序,公众无法向国家提出诉求,游憩利益只有依托国家履行义务才能实现。我国《国家公园法》的相关制度安排,应以管理主体的职责配置为重心,充分保障游憩这一客观秩序的实现。     

网络谣言扰乱公共秩序的认定——以我国《治安管理处罚法》第25条第1项的适用为中心

我国《治安管理处罚法》第25条第1项确立了网络谣言扰乱公共秩序的违法构成"三要件",即网络散布谣言的客观行为、扰乱公共秩序的危害后果和主观故意。司法实践中,有些法院秉持"秩序至上主义"的逻辑,存在对违法构成"三要件"的背离,在部分案件中对网络谣言和公共秩序的扩大解释构成对公民言论自由的过度限制。面向未来,法院可通过对上述违法构成要件的合宪性解释,合理平衡公共秩序与言论自由价值的冲突。在客观行为的司法认定方面,应区分"公共言论"与"私人言论",涉及"公共言论"的网络谣言以"捏造或者歪曲事实"作为认定标准,涉及"私人言论"的网络谣言可扩大解释为包括"未经证实"的消息。在危害后果的司法认定方面,应将"公共秩序"解释为以"公众生活的平稳与安宁"为核心内容的现实公共场所秩序,并引入比例原则的审查。在主观故意的司法认定方面,对于涉及公共言论的"故意"的认定,可采用"实质恶意"原则,即只有在行为人明知其将做出虚假言论或者对于信息的真假辨认存在严重的过错时,才能认定其为"故意";对于涉及私人言论的故意的认定,可参照刑法上"故意"的认定标准。     

A view from the policy community: a new strategic narrative for Europe?

ABSTRACT

Reflecting on the results presented in articles in this special issue, European leaders should take greater account of external perceptions in crafting the European Union's strategic narrative and guiding its actions. Failure to do so has impaired external policies like the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. Leaders emerging from the Arab uprisings perceived the EU as complicit with their countries’ former anciens régimes and Russian leaders see EU support for democracy and the market economy in former Soviet states as duplicitous and instrusive. Awareness of such perceptions should be filtered into EU decision-making, without validating views that European officials and diplomats consider misleading.     

Shaking off the neoliberal shackles: “democratic emergence” and the negotiation of democratic knowledge in the Middle East North Africa context

ABSTRACT

There is a general assumption in democracy promotion that liberal democracy is the panacea that will solve all political and economic problems faced by developing countries. Using the concept of “good society” as analytical prism, the analysis shows that while there is a rhetorical agreement as to what the “good society” entails, democracy promotion practices fail to allow for recipients’ inclusion in the negotiation and delivery of the “good society”. Contrasting US and Tunisian discourses on the “good society”, the article argues that democracy promotion practices are underpinned by neoliberal parameters borne out from a reliance on the transition paradigm, which in turn leave little room to democracy promotion recipients to formulate knowledge claims supporting the emergence of alternative conceptions of the “good society”. In contrast, the article opens up a reflective pathway to a negotiated democratic knowledge, which would reside in a paradigmatic change that consists in the abandonment of the transition paradigm in favour of a “democratic emergence” paradigm.     

Socio-political tensions in Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) development in low-income Asian cities

International development agencies, with the help of the central government, support building state of art Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) in low-income Asian cities. However, BRT investment over indigenous modes of mobility is creating socio-political tensions at the local level. This article uses multi-level governance as a theoretical lens to examine the relationships among actors in BRT investment decisions in Bandung and Surabaya, Indonesia. The research finds that local stakeholders can distort national and supranational policy initiatives totally or in a way that while projects are delivered, they are of limited use to the local communities they intended to help.     

“完善‘一国两制’制度体系,落实‘爱国者治港’根本原则”专题研讨会综述

全国港澳研究会于2021年2月在北京举办"完善‘一国两制’制度体系,落实‘爱国者治港’根本原则"专题研讨会。夏宝龙同志在讲话中表示,习近平总书记关于"爱国者治港"的重要论述,是对香港回归以来"一国两制"实践经验的高度提炼,是对"一国两制"实践规律的深刻揭示,为推动"一国两制"实践行稳致远、保持香港长治久安指明了方向。"爱国者治港"是"一国两制"方针的核心要义,是推进"一国两制"事业的时代呼唤,要坚持"爱国者治港"的客观标准和要求,对相关制度进行完善。与会专家学者表示,"爱国者治港"是在香港特别行政区维护国家主权、安全、发展利益的重要前提。香港现行选举制度还不能为全面落实"爱国者治港"原则提供坚实的制度保障,需要尽快加以完善,修补漏洞。     

The Politics of Security and Technology in Switzerland

Technologies play crucial roles in security politics. In a recent push to understand the dynamic interplay between technologies and politics, IR scholars increasingly draw on reflexive research traditions. The aim is to understand the social and political practices that influence the shape, design and use of security technologies instead of assuming that technologies have linear, independent effects on politics. This SPSR debate draws on this new perspective and applies it to topics salient in Swiss public debate. Its contributions analyze how cybersecurity, predictive policing, drones, artificial intelligence, targeted sanctions, urban design and spyware are deliberated, negotiated, programmed and critiqued in Switzerland. They chart different analytical avenues with which to address the recursive and non‐linear relationship between security politics and technologies, and, by familiarizing readers with the tenets and diversity of reflexive political science research, seek to give that longstanding scholarly research tradition better visibility in the Swiss political science community.     

农村仪式性人情异化后果及其矫正

当前农村普遍面临着仪式性人情异化的困境。基于鄂西H县Z村的实地调查发现,人情名目的无序增加、随礼规则的失序和礼金的攀升以及去仪式化构成了仪式性人情的异化面向,仪式性人情变异为功利性人情。传统人情交往规则的瓦解是造成人情异化的宏观背景,经济分化背景下富人群体的带动、村民村庄生活预期的短期化以及村民对在村关系的依赖所导致的人情退出机制的缺乏是人情异化产生的中观层面原因。仪式性人情的异化带来了农村消费性贫困的生成、社会交往的底层排斥以及村庄社会关系的撕裂等社会后果。建议可充分借助政策及制度手段,有针对性地强化地方政府对农村人情交往秩序的引导作用,使之有意识地对农村做出移风易俗的努力,积极倡导社会主义新型物质精神文明的建设,重建农村良性的人情交往秩序。